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Governed as it was by a senate always eager to spread the influence of the city, Rome soon became a militant conqueror. This law was a true jus gentium 12 for its day, an important affirmation of the supremacy of justice, equity, and peace. Although it dealt primarily with legal form and ceremony, it marked great progress nevertheless, for it removed legal procedure, which constitutes so great a part of law, from the domain of the arbitrary.

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Functioning as guardian of this law was a college of priests responsible for declaring war, making alliances, arraigning those who violated the law of the people, keeping the peace by ensuring respect for treaties. But though sheer force of arms opened the way to a world empire, though the exploits of Roman consuls and of the Senate were not without frequent incidents of cruelty to towns like Numantia, which put up heroic resistance 14 , the first and already vigorous protests came from the Roman people themselves.

Even though Rome came to dominate the world through a series of often unjust wars, it was its civic and assimilative virtues, which it never lost, that enabled Rome to maintain its position and to be of service to humanity. Behind the legions came the merchants and farmers who, as conquest spread, implanted the civic standards, the name, the language, and the institutions of the mother country in the new territories.

UNDERSTANDING THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS

While assimilating some of the character and customs of the vanquished peoples, Rome imparted to them some of its own, thus fusing all peoples, lands, and cultures into a homogeneous entity and finally, as its crowning gift, granting citizenship, first to the Italian people themselves and later to all nations within the Roman Empire. This explains the rapidity with which the conquered provinces became absorbed and Romanized, and how imperial Rome with its handful of legions was able to keep under control the immense populations of its enormous empire.

And if it is with some justification that later aspirations of certain warrior kings to conquer the world have been attributed to the splendor of the Roman conquests, it should also be remembered that when the Republic declined and the Empire began, it was Rome who gave the world the doctrine of the rights of man and of nations. One of the advocates of this doctrine was the philosopher and teacher Cicero who, even prior to Alberico Gentili and Grotius 18 , sowed the first seeds of international law.

Cicero was against all wars unless they were absolutely unavoidable. Although in the realm of ethics Cicero was far ahead of his time, he was not alone in propounding such ideas. The Epicurean poet Lucretius, in his poem about the Roman world 21 , marked the contrast of its internal strife and the horrors of its wars with the placid tranquillity of the sage who, from the heights of the austere temple of knowledge, contemplates the senseless conflicts of men.

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And when Augustus brought these conflicts to an end, there was a host of high-minded individuals, such as Vergil, Horace, Pliny, Seneca, and all the Stoics, who extolled the peace No one painted a more accurate picture of military depredation than Vergil.

These ideas of peace and justice were a prelude to Christianity which, while preaching brotherhood among all men, established its principal center in Rome. When the Empire fell under the sword of the barbarian, the ideal of humanitarianism and peace survived in Italy by finding refuge and support in the Roman church. The church set out to educate even the barbarians; it opposed the cruelty of the times with the Christian law of love; and it almost always used its moral authority, intensified by the very violence and rampant anarchy of the day, to foster the free and civil association of peoples.

This international arbitration, which, for want of any communal law, we still regard as the best protection of peace today, was practiced by the best and greatest of the pontiffs of the early Middle Ages who censured injustice and the corruption of the aristocracy and who defended the liberty of the common man.

The Truces of God which at certain times of the year punctuated any continuous wars between neighboring countries; or between communities, or even between factions within the same community, were also a beneficent inspiration of the Roman church. They sprang into existence and multiplied in a feudal society whose aristocracy, beyond our mountain ranges, gloried in celebrating any event, joyous or sad, with battles and massacres. When, however, following the Donation of Constantine 23 , the popes became temporal sovereigns and began to concern themselves more with their own material interests than with the moral interests of the people, they gradually lost the authority which, to the benefit of society at large, they had previously wielded in civic matters.

The last days of the Empire saw the growth of our free towns, composed for the most part of a Roman element which was never suppressed , of a Christian element, and of a new Germanic element. During the Middle Ages it was these free towns that kept the torch of freedom alight in Italy. They aroused and sustained in their citizens the sentiment of human dignity and they insured the protection of their cottages by forcing the nobility to abandon their castles and to live among.

It was they who, even before the birth of the Hanseatic League, formed the Lombard League to defend their rights against the Empire This we have inherited from our fathers and our ancestors and this we will yield only with life itself; we would rather die than live in slavery. This devotion to the free towns, strengthened by a religious feeling which prompted each town to seek for itself a patron saint, produced in Italy a galaxy of republics, all flourishing in commerce, industry, and the arts at a time when the rest of Europe was still in the grip of feudalism.

However, formation of one strong and unified Italian state was impossible, for no Italian prince could obtain the slightest support for it from the people, who were more concerned with the liberty and sovereignty of their own town than with any notion of national greatness. Dante saw the danger and the pity of this division into jealous and antagonistic city states.

This masterpiece in which Dante sets forth the fundamentals of his doctrine can be said, if one discards the now obsolete part which was adapted to his own day and to the metaphysics of Aristotle, to present the rules of government and of humanitarian life under one law; to this end, he wanted the Empire transferred to Rome, for he perceived in the Romans those qualities most suited to governing the world. So too, do universal peace and the free functioning of public bodies and of nations coordinate in aiming for the ultimate establishment of a universal society.

Translate these highly philosophical words into common parlance and you see outlined the way to attain universal peace and, at the same time, to attain the greatest possible universal perfection. I will not now speak of Pietro Belli 27 nor of Alberico Gentili who, in imposing limitations and applying rules to war, were the predecessors of H.

Grotius and who, in holding peace to be the ultimate goal desired by all civilization, went far beyond him. With the decline of the freedom and sovereignty of the city states came a reawakened interest in Greek and Roman letters and through it the Renaissance which, scorning politics and disdaining military glory, held the supremacy of the mind and of the cult of truth and beauty to constitute the ideal life. It paved the way for the association of nations by creating a fellow-feeling among scholars and men of science.

But this purely intellectual pacific existence, coupled with the disuse of arms, was fatal for Italy. While in neighboring territories great monarchies possessing new permanent armies were consolidating, the premature pacifism in our country left her once more wide-open to invasion; as a result, the richest and most beautiful parts of our peninsula came under the domination now of Austria, now of Spain.

I do not regard a look at the past as fruitless, however, for it was from the past that the forerunners and the first apostles of our revolution drew their inspiration. The idea of a legal system for the whole world, pursued by the pacifists in Europe and America during both the last century and this one, is to be found back in the history of Rome and in the minds of our greatest thinkers. Both pagan and Christian Rome regarded national law as the foundation and keystone of the law of nations.

That is why nationalism, in whose name Italy rose in rebellion, is not jealous, is neither shut up within itself nor greedy for the acquisition of foreign territories. It is, on the contrary, sympathetic toward all nations who live and flourish in liberty, or who aspire thereto. Perhaps you would now be interested to hear what Pasquale Stanislao Mancini 31 , leader of the modern Italian juridical school, was teaching in regard to the new law of nations as early as when he held a professorship at the University of Turin. But in the human world an element of diversity exists: nations in which individual talents and abilities are educated become developed nations, civilization is advanced, and the rule of law becomes a reality.

After the revival and reconstitution of Italy, Mancini, along with other jurists such as Corsi, Buzzati, and Pasquale Fiore 32 , never tired of advocating the reform and codification of the law of nations , or, in a word, the establishment of international justice in the interests of peace and the progress of civilization. So far, this plea from our jurists and lawyers has not been answered; so international justice is still the high objective of our world congresses and of our propaganda. A great deal of credit for the development of the study of international law in nearly every civilized country belongs to the Italian school; from this study was born the Institute of International Law to which you so rightly awarded the Nobel Prize in one of the first years after you began to function Anticipating the beginning of a codification of international law — and indeed we have even now at The Hague a tribunal for its application 34 — Italy, since her unification, has introduced into positive legislation almost all of the principles concerning private international law set up by her juridical school.


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In this important respect we have preceded other nations in eradicating the differences, as far as civil law is concerned, between nationals and foreigners and have thereby founded the principles of our doctrine concerning the rights of the human individual in the provisions of jurisprudence. Thus theory is put into practice, as is further demonstrated by the fact that Italy is the first, and so far the only one, among the bigger nations to have abolished the death penalty from its penal code.

It is evident then that Italy offers the best conditions for the continuous development and perfection of private international law, which provides the surest route to public law. It is not patriotic vanity that has prompted me to bring up these facts. It is because on the day when an international parliament proclaims the judicial unity of nations, followed by a related disarmament, the day awaited by all pacifists, I believe that all nations, Norway no less than Russia, England as well as France, will be able to prove that they have contributed in one way or another to this great event.

But I must also provide facts to show that our first educators did not teach us in vain that Italy would have to undergo a rebirth not only to gain her own rights, but also to fulfill her obligations toward other nations. Unfortunately, like all other nations, Italy has had to yield to the hard necessity of armaments which from time to time must be increased because they are considered essential for the conservation of peace in the present state of world turmoil. The situation is so strangely anomalous that we see even allies fortifying and arming themselves one against the other; we cannot, however, blame Italy for this.

Of the many examples I could cite to show how strongly the Italian soul is opposed to the idea of war, I will be content to give you two of the most eloquent ones. Garibaldi, who was the most sublime personification of Latin genius and military valor of our day, won the battle of the Volturno at the end of September, 36 , and on the following day, in his capacity as dictator of southern Italy, sent a message to the powers of Europe, exhorting them to put an end to wars and armaments by uniting in a European confederation. We spend our lives today as then continually threatening one another while in Europe the large majority, not only of great minds but of all sensible men, understand perfectly that we could easily go through life without this perpetual menace and mutual hostility and without the necessity which seems to have been fatally imposed on nations by some secret and invisible enemy of mankind of slaughtering each other with such science and refinement.

He closed by expressing the hope that France and England, setting aside old rivalries and uniting, would form the nucleus of a European confederation which all other nations of Europe would soon join. The future will tell whether or not the other nations will gradually rally round them. These sentiments are the same ones expressed by the Italian people in the culminating moments of the revolution, but I would be dishonest were I to claim that they are those of the majority of my fellow citizens in ordinary times. Had that been the case, our pacifist propaganda would never have been necessary and would not at present be necessary.

To begin with, they would have liked to annex the canton of Ticino 38 ; then they set their sights on the Ethiopian Empire whose coinage they had already got as far as minting It was at this stage that we, the former followers of Garibaldi together with patriots from other parties, all of us friends of France, formed the Lombard Union of Peace to counteract this mad Gallophobia.

You know the result of our work. For several years there has been no trace of Gallophobia in Italy; and a warm friendship for our western neighbor has taken its place. We had clear proof of this last June on the fiftieth anniversary of the liberation of Milan and Lombardy.

The streets, the squares, and the theaters were filled with crowds vibrant with memories of the political events and the feats of bravery that had freed our country. The warmest and most unanimous demonstrations were those saluting France and her army — several of whose gallant representatives were among us — for the generous assistance lent us during that memorable campaign in , assistance which played so large a part in securing our emancipation.

Clearly, a people who, after a half-century of extraordinary and occasionally unfortunate events, can preserve intact their deep appreciation of the benefits received from another nation, can be neither a boorish people nor one oblivious to the obligations that bind them to the society of other nations.

Although today this society of other nations has no actual political existence, it has a virtual one. We Italians were made very aware of this when, struck by the terrible disaster which buried Messina, Reggio, and many villages in Calabria and Sicily 41 , we were consoled by receiving touching proofs of affection and prompt aid from every part of the world. Such is the voice of the universal human soul which, in times of great calamity, ignores the artificial barriers created for reasons of state and testifies to the goodness and nobility of human nature.

And during the celebration of our national jubilee we did not forget the great demonstration of compassion and active sympathy that came to our country from your magnanimous Norway, as indeed from all the civilized nations. Carnegie is buried only a few yards away from union organizer Samuel Gompers , another important figure of industry in the Gilded Age. Carnegie was one of more than 50 members of the South Fork Fishing and Hunting Club , which has been blamed for the Johnstown Flood that killed 2, people in The sixty-odd club members were the leading business tycoons of Western Pennsylvania and included among their number Frick's best friend, Andrew Mellon , his attorneys Philander Knox and James Hay Reed, as well as Frick's business partner, Carnegie.

High above the city, near the small town of South Fork, the South Fork Dam was originally built between and by the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania as part of a canal system to be used as a reservoir for a canal basin in Johnstown. With the coming-of-age of railroads superseding canal barge transport, the lake was abandoned by the Commonwealth, sold to the Pennsylvania Railroad, and sold again to private interests and eventually came to be owned by the South Fork Fishing and Hunting Club in Prior to the flood, speculators had purchased the abandoned reservoir, made less than well-engineered repairs to the old dam, raised the lake level, built cottages and a clubhouse, and created the South Fork Fishing and Hunting Club.

Between when the club was opened, and , the dam frequently sprang leaks and was patched, mostly with mud and straw. Additionally, a previous owner removed and sold for scrap the 3 cast iron discharge pipes that previously allowed a controlled release of water. There had been some speculation as to the dam's integrity, and concerns had been raised by the head of the Cambria Iron Works downstream in Johnstown.

Such repair work, a reduction in height, and unusually high snowmelt and heavy spring rains combined to cause the dam to give way on May 31, resulting in twenty million tons of water sweeping down the valley as the Johnstown Flood. This strategy was a success, and Knox and Reed were able to fend off all lawsuits that would have placed blame upon the club's members.


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Although Cambria Iron and Steel's facilities were heavily damaged by the flood, they returned to full production within a year. After the flood, Carnegie built Johnstown a new library to replace the one built by Cambria's chief legal counsel Cyrus Elder, which was destroyed in the flood. The Homestead Strike was a bloody labor confrontation lasting days in , one of the most serious in U.

18-Aug-1898 › Page 12

Carnegie left on a trip to Scotland before the unrest peaked. Frick was well known in industrial circles for maintaining staunch anti-union sentiment. With the collective bargaining agreement between the union and company expiring at the end of June, Frick and the leaders of the local AA union entered into negotiations in February.

With the steel industry doing well and prices higher, the AA asked for a wage increase; the AA represented about of the 3, workers at the plant. The union and company failed to come to an agreement, and management locked the union out. Workers considered the stoppage a " lockout " by management and not a "strike" by workers. As such, the workers would have been well within their rights to protest, and subsequent government action would have been a set of criminal procedures designed to crush what was seen as a pivotal demonstration of the growing labor rights movement , strongly opposed by management.

Frick brought in thousands of strikebreakers to work the steel mills and Pinkerton agents to safeguard them. On July 6, the arrival of a force of Pinkerton agents from New York City and Chicago resulted in a fight in which 10 men — seven strikers and three Pinkertons — were killed and hundreds were injured.